Class Struggle and the Proletarian World Revolution Require Unity on the Basis of Marxism-Leninism and Mao Tsetung Thought
The international communist and labour movement is split as never before. The innumerable parties, organizations and groups can be divided into 6 main ideological-political categories:
1. The revisionist CPSU and its revisionist satellites like the German Communist Party (DKP).
2. The so-called "Eurocommunist" parties – revisionism with nationalist features. Their relations with the CPSU are loose and opportunist.
3. The revisionist CP of China along with those parties and groups which accept its policy without criticism, including the gradual and tacit dismantling of Mao Tsetung Thought. Among them you can find the recently dissolved 'Communist Party of Germany' (KPD) and the 'Communist League of West Germany' (KBW)
4. The PLA along with those parties and groups which in an opportunist way accept their whole political line, including the slanderous attacks on Mao Tsetung and the condemnation of Mao Tsetung Thought. One of them is the unprincipled Communist Party of Germany/ML (KPD/ML 'Roter Morgen'), which only recently has changed its name into 'Communist Party of Germany' (KPD)
5. Trotskyites, anarchists and liquidationist groups of all kinds with all their opportunist and subversive activities.
6. Marxist-Leninist parties and groups which reject and combat both the revisionism of the CPSU and that of the CP of China as well as the slanderous attacks on Mao Tsetung initiated by the PLA. Among them you can find the Communist Workers' League of Germany (KABD) and its subsidiary organisations.
The ideological-political struggle has become more acute world-wide and has broadened and deepened the split. At the same time class struggle has sharpened everywhere as a result of state-monopoly capitalism and its neocolonial, imperialist activities and oppressive measures at home and abroad. In our theoretical organ Revolutionarer Weg, No. 19, we have described the situation as follows:
"The complexity of the relations in state-monopoly capitalism makes the class struggle of the proletariat more difficult. The complete subjugation of the state apparatus to the monopolies, the merger of the organs of the monopolies with those of the state, the control of the mass media by the monopoly associations, the use of the police against militant workers, the emergency laws kept in readiness, the internationalization of monopoly capital – all in all a gigantic economic and political instrument of power of modern capitalism.
But this huge and complicated structure of state-monopoly capitalism is in reality extremely unstable. A sense of insecurity dominates and is spreading throughout the world."(129)
"The whole world is governed by unrest: strikes, demonstrations, armed intervention of the state’s instruments of suppression, rebellions, civil wars, mass uprisings not only against the imperialist exploiters, but also against their ruling puppets (Shah of Persia, Somoza in Nicaragua). All these national and social struggles and the intensifying class struggles in the imperialist countries confirm what Mao Zedong taught and what characterizes the current state of the general crisis of capitalism: Revolution is the main trend in the world!"(130)
The international economic and political situation requires that the revolutionary forces unite and overcome the split. That is not an easy task. Lenin says:
"Any practical step towards unity must be preceded by a preliminary clarification of existing differences."(131)
In our publications we have pointed out: Unity with liquidationists is not possible, you must fight and isolate them. Nor can we unite with revisionists of any kind because that would mean not strengthening, but dangerously weakening and paralysing the labour movement. We can unite only with those who abandon a revisionist and liquidationist viewpoint, who by hard class struggle have come to take a revolutionary stand and who strive for unity based on principle. Such unity is founded on the principles of Marxism-Leninism and Mao Tsetung Thought. Any other basis is liquidationist and must be fought and repulsed. We agree with Lenin, who said:
"Clearly, anyone who offers the Marxist organisation a 'platform' giving the liquidators 'every opportunity' to liquidate that organisation—anyone who, 'in the name of unity', flouts the will of the vast majority of the class-conscious workers, is simply making a mockery of 'unity'.
Do you want unity? Then renounce liquidationism unequivocally, renounce the 'fight for open existence', and submit loyally to the majority. You do not want unity?"(132)